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be ready to take so seriously. It is even possible that
the quarrel of pro-Chamberlain and anti-Chamberlain
is being allowed to mask other and greater issues ; *and
supposing officialdom in the 1940*5 has decided that
a&ti-Chamberlainism shall be its framework of reference,
a history drawn up on that basis need not be regarded
as any the less " official history " for that. It will be
paradoxical if it turns out that the men who are despised
for shirking a war with Hitler in the 1930*3 were just
the ones who were paralysed because they foresaw, like
Lord Morley in 1914, the menace that would come from
Russia after the destruction of Germany,

Further than this, even moral issues may be used for
the purpose of distracting the mind from a genuine
analysis of a problem* If there is a crime-wave we may
allow Scotland Yard a time for weeping and a further
time for moral indignation, but while there is a chance
that the police-system has made mistakes or acted on
wrong assumptions we cannot be satisfied to have
Scotland Yard (or in a parallel case the Foreign Office) .
just-saying: "All might have been well, but it isn't
fair that criminals should be so wicked " (whether the
criminals are Germ^A or Russian), It is the function
of foreign policy to create situations in which virtue
does not depend on a great Power's good intentions,
but is ensured on the whole by the general disposition
of forces. It may transpire that our greatest errors in
recent decades have been things which were, common
to both the Chamberlain and the anti-Chamberlain
factions. In any case, the influence of official history
and of semi-official orthodoxies tends to discourage any